When Nelson Mandela took office on 10 May 1994, South Africa did not only get its first Black president. It also got its first Government of National Unity, a multi-party cabinet born from negotiation rather than revolution.

The rules that produced it were forged at CODESA, the Convention for a Democratic South Africa. From 1991 to 1993, ANC negotiator Cyril Ramaphosa and National Party minister Roelf Meyer drafted an interim constitution. The key compromise was that for five years after 1994, any party with more than five percent of the vote would receive cabinet seats in proportion to its support. That clause compelled a multi-party government and was the price of averting civil war. Ramaphosa’s CODESA team traded amnesty and power-sharing for a peaceful election.

Nelson Mandela’s 1994 cabinet reflected that deal. He served as President alongside two Deputy Presidents, Thabo Mbeki of the ANC and F.W. de Klerk of the National Party. The National Party’s Pik Botha retained the Foreign Affairs portfolio while Derek Keys continued as Finance Minister. Inkatha Freedom Party leader Mangosuthu Buthelezi was appointed Minister of Home Affairs, despite years of bloody conflict between the IFP and ANC. Six of Mandela’s twenty-seven ministers were white and three came from opposition parties. The message was clear: reconciliation would be institutional, not merely symbolic.

Nelson Mandela’s own path to that cabinet began with his arrest in 1962 near Howick. He was detained while driving without a passport after returning from secret trips to Ethiopia and Algeria where he had arranged military training for Umkhonto we Sizwe. The state had already sought him for leaving the country illegally and inciting strikes. His arrest led security police to Liliesleaf Farm, and the documents seized there triggered the Rivonia Trial in 1963. Mandela and nine others were charged with sabotage. His statement from the dock, “I am prepared to die,” turned the trial into a global platform against apartheid. The life sentence that followed made him the movement’s most recognized prisoner and, three decades later, its chief negotiator.

As president, Mandela resolved conflicts through direct engagement. When Afrikaner generals threatened a coup in 1994, he invited them to lunch and kept them in the new National Defence Force. When IFP supporters felt sidelined, he appointed Buthelezi to a senior ministry and visited Ulundi. When white South Africans feared retribution, he wore a Springbok jersey at the 1995 Rugby World Cup. His approach was to bring critics inside, grant them dignity, and avoid humiliation. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission extended that logic, exchanging amnesty for truth rather than pursuing punitive justice.

The bottom line is that Mandela’s multi-party government was a masterclass in conflict management that ended political apartheid. But the economic terms agreed at CODESA meant the new South Africa inherited the old economy. When racism erupts today, it is not a sudden shock from a clear sky. It is the storm that was always on the radar.

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One most common excuse for infidelity among men is that men have higher sex drives than women and their wives are unable to meet these desires. But in recent times, most often than not, most people are intimate during courtship time before marrying. Take a look at your fiancée’s libido level. Are you not aware she can’t match your drive? Is the solution getting an answer outside? What have you done to increase her desires for you? When you are in a hurry walking somewhere and you are holding a child’s hand. Do you leave the child on the way with complains that the child is not walking fast? I am sure on a normal note you will either carry the child in your arms or back him/her. When your wive’s libido cannot match your drive level, can you do something for her to come up or you leave her at the middle of the marriage and walk away from her???

Another factor is the lack of commitment by wives. Wives sometimes do not make their relationship romantic enough. Another excuse too is that the wives nag them too much, making the “side chick place,” a safe haven. Why would she be asking for one or two things for days and months and the man will insist he doesn’t have but will provide effortlessly for the side chick? If he fails and the side chick should threaten to tell his wife, you will see them go the breadth and length of the world to provide it for them but you will see that same man ignore necessities at home making the wife complain and turn into a nagger. In which case you will see them brand it that they want their peace of mind.
We must all be fully aware of the institution of marriage. The institution calls for one man one woman; it is not like the occult where you enter before getting to know the rules. In this case you know the ground rules especially the fact that you are to stick with one person. Even those suffering from any form of abuse, there are always a legal way out. Even our Muslim brothers, who have the liberty of marrying up to five wives, have a limit and guess what; some are even running away from it “mpo” because of the responsibilities attached.

Really it baffles me some reasons you will hear these days as the reasons for the cheating. We must take the institution of marriage with much attention and understand that both parties in the institution all have a critical and monumental role in the security and productive growth of the marriage.
Look out for my next article which will be focusing more on women.

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Born on July 18th, 1918, in Mvezo, South Africa, Nelson Mandela emerged as a beacon of hope, leaving an indelible mark on the world. His journey, spanning from the rural landscapes of Thembu Land to the President South Africa serves as a testament to the power of vigilance, unwavering resoluteness and unshakeable conviction.

Mandela’s early life was marked by a strong sense of justice, which led him to join protests against the discriminatory dining arrangements at the University of Fort Hare in 1940. This bold stance resulted in his expulsion, but it was only the beginning of his illustrious fight for freedom. He went on to join the African National Congress (ANC) in 1944, eventually becoming the president of the ANC Youth League.

As a solitary figure, Mandela stood resolute, driven by his roots and an unwavering commitment to justice. He faced numerous trials, including the Rivonia Trial in 1963-1964, which led to his imprisonment at Victor Verster Prison. However, his spirit remained unbroken, and he continued to advocate for equality and human rights.

During his imprisonment, Nelson Mandela refused to compromise as he rejected offers of release in exchange for renouncing violence, insisting on equal rights for all South Africans. He communicated with ANC leaders and continued to advocate for the party’s goals. He held talks with the apartheid regime, paving the way for a peaceful transition to democracy.

Nelson Mandela’s release from prison on February 11th, 1990, marked a turning point in South Africa’s history. He worked tirelessly to dismantle apartheid, and in 1994, he became the country’s first black president, ushering in a new era of democracy. His leadership and vision paved the way for reconciliation and healing, earning him global acclaim.

Nelson Mandela’s partnership with F.W. de Klerk, his deputy president, underscored his commitment to unity and dignity for all South Africans. This collaboration sent a powerful message to the world, highlighting the importance of collective action in the pursuit of freedom and equality.

To all Freedom Giants, Mandela’s story is a clarifying call to remain resolute and vigilant in the pursuit of justice and equality.

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By: Isaac Kwabena Boadu

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In a world where communication shapes our realities, the image of a face from which bullets emerge serves as a stark reminder of the power inherent in our words. This metaphor captures the duality of language: it can both harm and heal, incite conflict or foster understanding. As the renowned philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche once said, “Words are the source of misunderstandings.” History is replete with examples where rhetoric has escalated tensions, incited violence, and transformed peaceful discourse into chaos. The Quran eloquently expresses this notion: “And speak to people good [words]” (Quran 2:83). This injunction underscores the moral imperative of choosing our words wisely, as they can either uplift or devastate.

The psychological impact of language is profound, dictating not only our interactions but also shaping our internal landscapes. Positive affirmations can uplift spirits and inspire change, while negative speech inflicts deep emotional wounds. The great poet Rumi noted, “The wound is the place where the Light enters you.” Each word carries weight, echoing in the hearts and minds of those who hear it. This realization calls for a heightened awareness of how we communicate. By practicing active listening and reflecting on our responses, we can mitigate misunderstandings and cultivate a culture of empathy, transforming our relationships from battlegrounds into safe havens.

Mindful communication becomes essential in navigating our interactions. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught, “Whoever believes in Allah and the Last Day, let him speak good or remain silent.” This profound wisdom emphasizes the importance of choosing kindness over harshness. When we consciously select our words, we can transform our discourse from destructive to constructive. This shift enriches our personal relationships and contributes to a more harmonious society. In moments of disagreement, seeking common ground allows us to connect on shared values, fostering a sense of unity amidst diversity. As Mahatma Gandhi wisely stated, “An eye for an eye only ends up making the whole world blind.” It is in our ability to rise above conflict that we find true strength.

Moreover, the capacity for forgiveness plays a vital role in healing the wounds inflicted by careless words. Acknowledging the impact of our speech and striving to make amends can pave the way for reconciliation. The Quran reminds us, “And let not the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness” (Quran 5:8). This call to justice underscores the importance of addressing harm with grace and integrity. Ultimately, the image compels us to reflect on our responsibility as communicators. By choosing to wield our words with intention, we can create a dialogue that uplifts rather than divides, nurturing a community where every voice is valued and heard.

In this quest for meaningful connection, let us remember that the true strength of our language lies not in its potential to harm, but in its ability to unite, inspire, and transform. The irony of our speech is that it can be both a sword and a shield. By embracing this understanding, we can foster a culture of compassion, turning the metaphorical bullets of our speech into seeds of hope and understanding, cultivating a future where dialogue prevails over discord. In the end, it is our choice: to speak with wisdom or to unleash chaos.

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According to Dr. Umar Johnson, African societies everywhere in the world lack five fundamental institutions required for development: a school, farm, hospital, bank, and shop. I believe these institutions are critical but must be owned and controlled by Africans to serve their best interests. Many companies that run key economic sectors in both Africa and the diaspora are owned by non-Africans. Even African-owned institutions depend largely on an infrastructure dominated by non-Africans. For example, the telecom sector includes African giants like Glo and MTN, but the cutting-edge technologies enabling telecommunications are often owned by non-Africans. It is critical for Africans to change this trend.

This phenomenon is also evident in development banking, a sector largely dominated by international institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Although the African Development Bank exists, it is not wholly owned by Africans. This raises serious concerns about the ability of Africans to fund their own development sustainably. Many African countries borrow excessively from foreign creditors and Bretton Woods institutions, which impose burdensome conditionalities and interest payments. This leads to distress for citizens in African countries and their diaspora counterparts. To resolve this, the African Development Bank must be strengthened into a true pan-African bank to address the developmental challenges of all African and Caribbean countries. It should offer affordable credit and be the first point of call for financing developmental projects and addressing financial challenges.

Although Africa has the largest available arable land globally, many African countries still wrestle with food insecurity. This is partly due to failures by African governments to mechanize and improve their agricultural sectors. Many prioritize cultivating ‘cash crops’ like coffee, cocoa, rubber, and bananas to the detriment of food crops needed to feed their people. Furthermore, conditionalities imposed by the IMF and the World Bank force many African governments to allow cheaper food imports to flood their markets. These imports compete with local produce and drive farmers out of business. To address this, African governments must prioritize establishing state-owned farms to produce enough food for local demand while exporting the surplus to other African and Caribbean countries.

I also strongly advocate for a pan-African hospital and medical research facility dedicated to the needs of Africans and people of African descent. This institution must conduct advanced research into herbal and alternative medicine to produce natural remedies for lifestyle and communicable illnesses that kill many Africans, including Malaria, Hypertension, Ebola, and Cholera. It must lead cutting-edge innovation in the medical field in Africa and the diaspora and be comparable to top global medical institutions. Similar to the World Health Organization (WHO), it must be an authority on medical issues confronting Africa and Africans. It should also have a subsidiary focused on resolving medical issues in conflict zones across Africa and the Caribbean, such as DR Congo, Somalia, and Haiti.

Education can be both the key and the lock to a prosperous future, depending on its substance, context, and quality. The current educational curriculum in Africa does not address the developmental needs of Africa, the Caribbean, and the larger diaspora. Many people progress through the educational system only to become disillusioned, unemployed, or underemployed. This must be addressed by tailoring the curriculum to meet the urgent economic demands of Africa and the world. African governments need to prioritize technical vocational programs, STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics), and STEAM (Science, Technology, Engineering, Arts, and Mathematics) in their educational reforms. Civic education, history, and pan-African studies must be given equally high priority. The end goal of education should be to produce quality people useful to the global economy. Through such policies, Africa can become the next India or China, producing the world’s best technicians and professionals.

Commerce plays a critical role in life and in the global arena, where countries trade on bilateral and multilateral bases. Therefore, I believe there must be a pan-African-owned shop dedicated to selling the best African products and services to the global market. This shop should be able to compete with giants like Walmart and Amazon and project the best of African products to the world. It will provide needed revenue for institutions like the African Union and the African Development Bank and help alleviate developmental challenges on the continent. It should have physical branches across Africa, the Caribbean, and the entire diaspora, as well as an online shop accessible to global customers.

Finally, Africa needs indigenous developmental organizations or a pan-African social institution to tackle societal problems. This organization should be on a scale similar to international non-governmental organizations like Care Int., the UN, GIZ, and USAID. It should work directly with African and Caribbean governments and stakeholders to address developmental needs, with no hidden political or profit-seeking agenda, prioritizing only the well-being of Africans. It must be well-resourced with adequate and sustainable funding to sustain its work.

These institutions are the bedrock for the sustainable development of all nations. People of African descent ought to see themselves as one people irrespective of country of birth, religion, or language. Local media and governments in Africa and the Caribbean need to rally their citizens behind the creation, support, and patronage of these institutions to foster lasting and sustainable development.

WHAT AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS CAN DO TO CREATE INSTITUTIONS THAT ARE FUNDAMENTAL FOR DEVELOPMENT:

The first step is for all African countries to rally behind the agenda of building these six fundamental institutions: banking, agriculture, commerce, medicine, social services, and education. Once there is broad consensus and political will, laws, feasibility studies and regulatory frameworks must be established to support their creation and continued existence.

The second step is to hire the right people to run these institutions. After establishing the necessary rules, laws, and policies, highly competent, experienced, and dedicated individuals must be hired to run all departments competently.

There must be external monitoring and oversight to ensure these institutions run appropriately, that staff respect the rules and regulations, and that the institutions achieve their mandates by keeping staff in check.

Furthermore, governments and local media in Africa, the Caribbean, and the diaspora must ensure support for these key institutions is at its peak. All citizens need to know about their work and support them accordingly.

Finally, and most importantly, these institutions must be resourced regularly. All African and Caribbean countries need to contribute their quota to establish and continuously support them to ensure they are strong and viable. Additionally, these institutions need self-sustaining business models to operate successfully even if funding from some or all African countries is lacking.

In conclusion, the key institutions mentioned are critical to the development of all peoples. Unlike Africans, Europeans and Asians have key institutions that have played a pivotal role in their countries’ development and ensured their continued dominance on the global stage. For Africa to rise and reach its full economic potential, it is critical for all African and Caribbean stakeholders to come together to establish and maintain these key institutions to meet the developmental needs of all African peoples. I strongly believe this is of urgent and critical importance.

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Hon. Alan Kyerematen popularly known as Alan Cash is a Ghanaian Politician, a statesman and a nationalist whose political journey has gained public reputation in the eyes of many as a true statesman whose essence surpasses the “politism” of national discourses. Since 2007, he has sought to become the President of Ghana, and has never garnered enough votes to win the contest but still remains a fortitude in Ghana’s nation building as well as Africa’s.

In 2007, Mr. Alan Kyerematen stood as a flagbearer but was second to Mr. Nana Akufo-Addo in the presidential primaries under the New Patriotic Party. In 2010, he stood again and was second to Nana Akufo-Addo. He came second again in the 2014 Presidential Primaries. Mr. Alan Kyerematen resigned from the New Patriotic Party (NPP) on September 6, 2023, after placing third in the party’s 2023 presidential primaries. He later filed his nomination as an independent candidate for the 2024 presidential election on September 11, 2024, under the Afrafranto Alliance. His campaign is built around the Great Transformational Plan (GTP), which focuses on job creation, skills development, and economic transformation. He selected Kwame Owusu Danso, a lawyer, a journalist and a youth activist as his running mate in his promise of working and cooperating with a youth led government as well as people from different political, economic, social and cultural walks of life.

Mr. Alan Kyerematen attended Adisadel College in the central region of Ghana and then to Achimota School for his sixth form education and proceeded to the University of Ghana, Legon for a Bachelor’s degree in Economics and further studied Law at the same school. In 1994, Alan Kyeremateng was listed by the TIME Magazine as one of the 100 Global leaders for the millennium alongside leaders like Bill Gates and John F. Kennedy.

Mr. Alan Kyerematen has been a member of the NPP Economic Management Team and a founding member of the Young Executive Forum and chairman from 1992 to 2001, a strategic campaign group within the party which works towards influencing the business community towards supporting the interest of the New Patriotic Party.

Mr. Alan Kyerematen was appointed as an Ambassador of Ghana to America from 7^th January 2001 to June 2002 where he developed the Operation Save Your Schools Programme, a programme designed for Ghanaians inn America to contribute towards the development of their primary or middle schools. In 2003, Mr. Alan Kwadwo Kyerematen was appointed as the Minister for Trade, Industry and the President’s Special Initiative.

Mr. Alan Kyerematen stands as one of the quintessential forces ready to transform Ghana and make Ghana, a hub for global investment and trade. Alan Kyerematen’s versatility and commitment to national unity position him as a leader who can bridge divides and work with diverse groups across political lines. Like Dr. Nkrumah and Prof. Atta Mills, he embodies a true nationalist spirit, prioritizing Ghana’s progress over partisan interests. His Great Transformation Plan and emphasis on constructive engagement demonstrate his vision for a united and prosperous Ghana, making him a potential leader who can bring people together for the nation’s benefit.

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Reclaiming Genius: Why African and Diasporic Inventors Belong in Every Curriculum

An urgent call for educational reform, cultural reclamation, and pan-African innovation

What if the traffic light, a universal symbol of order and modern life, could also serve as a powerful lesson in African diasporic excellence? What if every science class included the story of how Dr. Charles Drew changed blood banking or how Otis Boykin’s circuitry made the pacemaker possible? 

The truth is, the story of global innovation is incomplete without the significant contributions of inventors of African descent. From the gas mask to the laser, from the refrigerator to the fiber-optic cable, Black innovators have influenced the material and technological conditions of our modern world. Yet their names and stories often go unheard or are completely erased from mainstream education. 

For a pan-African audience committed to intellectual sovereignty, cultural pride, and forward-looking development, this isn’t just an oversight; it’s an opportunity. 

This article argues that systematically including African and diasporic inventions in educational curricula is not just about representation. It is a crucial project of reclamation, inspiration, and pan-African nation-building. 

The Hidden Architects of Modernity 

The list of inventions created by people of African descent is impressive in both scope and societal impact: 

Figure 1: Marie Van Brittan Brown-Inventor of hone security system

Garrett Morgan – traffic signal and gas mask 

Dr. Charles Drew – blood plasma storage 

Otis Boykin – pacemaker controls 

Thomas Mensah – fiber optics technology 

Marie Van Brittan Brown – home security system 

Granville T. Woods – telegraphony and railway communications 

Frederick Jones – refrigeration systems for transport 

These are not small improvements or niche gadgets. They are foundational technologies in medicine, transportation, public safety, and communications. They represent a legacy of problem-solving that has improved and protected human life worldwide. 

Yet, in schools from Boston to Bamako, these stories are rarely told. The result is a widespread and harmful narrative that denies African people their rightful role as makers of modernity. 

Why This Must Become a Pan-African Educational Priority 

1. Decolonizing Knowledge 

Education has long been a site of colonial influence. By refocusing on African and diasporic inventions, we actively interrupt Eurocentric narratives of technological progress. This is not about adding diversity to the existing story. It is about rewriting that story in more truthful, inclusive terms. 

2. Inspiring the Next Generation 

When young Africans see innovators who resemble them and share their heritage, they are more likely to picture themselves as scientists, engineers, and inventors. Representation drives aspiration. It transforms STEM from an imported concept into a field deeply rooted in Africa. 

3. Strengthening Cultural and Intellectual Pride 

Understanding that one’s ancestors and peers revolutionized industries encourages a strong sense of pride and agency. This is vital for psychological empowerment and collective identity across the diaspora. 

4. Building a Culture of Innovation-Led Development 

Africa and its global diaspora face unique challenges in areas like health, infrastructure, energy, and digital access. Who better to tackle these than the descendants of some of history’s most inventive problem-solvers? Teaching this history isn’t just about reflecting on the past; it’s about preparing the next generation to look ahead. 

A Framework for Integration: From Awareness to Action 

To make this shift meaningful, we suggest a multi-level approach: 

1. Curriculum Reform 

Introduce standard learning modules on African and diasporic inventors at primary and secondary levels. 

Develop supplementary readers, digital content, and teacher guides tailored to regional contexts. 

2. Teacher Training and Resources 

Partner with institutions like the Black Inventions Museum and historical societies to provide training and authentic resources. 

Create pan-African educator networks for sharing best practices and content. 

3. Policy Advocacy 

Lobby ministries of education across Africa and the Caribbean to officially include these contributions in national standards. 

Encourage diaspora school districts in the U.S., U.K., and Europe to do the same. 

4. Public Commemoration and Media 

Support documentaries, exhibitions, and popular media that celebrate these inventors. 

Incorporate these stories into public memory through museums, innovation prizes, and national holidays.

From Reclamation to Renaissance 

In the words of Kenyan philosopher John Mbiti, “I am because we are.” This belief in collective identity and mutual support is at the core of the pan-African project. Reclaiming the narrative of African invention goes beyond correcting history; it is an act of intellectual and cultural nation-building. 

When a child in Lagos learns that a Ghanaian engineer pioneered fiber optics, or a student in Chicago discovers that a Black woman developed the first home security system, they learn more than just facts. They inherit a legacy. They gain the ability to imagine, build, and innovate in their own names. 

Let us commit to teaching these stories—not as footnotes, but as essential chapters in the story of human progress. For in the genius of our past lies the seed of our future. 

This article was inspired by the archival work of the Black Inventions Museum. For further reading, research, and educational resources, visit their repository or contact institutions focused on African and diasporic intellectual history. 

Let’s reclaim our genius. And let’s start in the classroom. 

Freedom Giant: Selase Wilmot Kwami (Political commentator) Date: 9th September, 2025

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This is where we have gotten to; the protection and promotion of children’s rights have become central in homes, schools, and legal systems around the globe. While this shift is a positive one, it has also led to increasing debates about whether the rights of the child are now superimposing or outweighing the traditional methods of disciplining children. This article explores this complex issue and the importance of finding a balanced approach in the modern era.

Children’s Rights in the Modern Age versus Discipline in Today’s society

Modern-day children are more aware of their rights than ever before. Thanks to awareness campaigns, media, and international agreements like the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), children now know that they have the right to be protected from abuse, to be heard, to receive education, and to live in a safe environment. These rights are vital. They ensure that children are not victims of neglect, violence, or unfair treatment. Children today grow up in a world that places their well-being and dignity at the center of family, educational, and national policies.

On the other hand, in the past, discipline involved physical punishment and harsh rules. But in the modern day, such practices are widely condemned as harmful. Instead, there is growing support for positive discipline, which involves teaching, guiding, and setting healthy boundaries without fear or violence. However, this shift has created a dilemma. Many parents and teachers now feel powerless, unsure how to correct or guide children without being accused of violating their rights. This fear often leads to lack of control, poor behavior, and a breakdown of respect in the home or classroom.

Are Children’s Rights really superimposing Discipline?

In many cases, yes. Some children now misuse their rights, believing they cannot be corrected or disciplined at all. Adults are afraid to set limits, and this has led to an increase in disobedience, disrespect for authority, and even juvenile crimes.

For example, in some homes, when parents try to discipline their children, the children threaten to report them for “abuse,” even when the adult’s intention was to correct with love. In schools, teachers are hesitant to discipline pupils for fear of backlash from parents or education authorities while children’s rights are crucial, they should not be used as a shield to avoid correction or responsibility.

The Need for Balance

It is important to understand that rights and discipline are not enemies. Children’s rights do not mean there must not be discipline. They simply mean that discipline should not be harmful, abusive, or degrading. In this modern day, what we need is responsible discipline one that respects the rights of the child but still holds the child accountable. Parents and teachers must be educated on non-violent methods of discipline such as: Setting clear rules and consequences, Using time-outs or removal of privileges, explaining why a behavior is wrong and rewarding positive behavior.

In our modern society, the rights of the child must be protected but not at the cost of discipline. Children need guidance just as much as they need protection. Without discipline, they grow up lacking respect, self-control, and responsibility. The best approach is not to choose one over the other, but to balance both rights and discipline in a way that nurtures, guides, and prepares children for adulthood. In this way, we raise not just happy children but responsible future citizens.

The song of freedom for these children is being sung too loud such that it clouds the mature judgment of the elderly. Such that when a parent or guardian corrects, the child will want to check with outside rules before abiding by it. Rules should be based on the extreme forms of punishments that demoralize them and not just a mere punishment that seems to correct them.  At this juncture, I wonder which generation the current parents are coming from; if they were from the same generation that we were under serious discipline which has shaped us today. But the rate at which parents are also fighting for the freedom of their children especially in schools, which happens to be the next place children spend most of the developing  years before maturing, I could not help but wonder which kind of society we are creating for the future.

Is it all children that can be corrected by the modest way we are suggesting? We shouldn’t forget that after birth the children are not only for you they are for the society as well. Raising greedy, lazy, irresponsible and impulsive children who always want to get through by their own means, we cause the society to suffer from these ill-mannered humans in the near future. In fact we have started experiencing some level of crimes already. I wonder how worse it can get too.

Is it all children that can be corrected by the modest way of punishment we are suggesting? What do we or the society stand to gain from this wide range of freedom we have allowed or permitted?

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Selase Wilmot Kwami is a political commentator with a deep passion for African issues. His vision is to drive meaningful change across the continent, fostering a self-reliant Africa that thrives on its own terms. Through insightful analysis and thought-provoking commentary, Selase aims to inspire a new era of African progress and development.

Introduction 

Democracy has long been seen by political leaders and commentators as the best form of governance. It relies on the rule of law, accountability, and citizen participation. Often, it is regarded as the gold standard for political legitimacy. However, in Africa, these expectations have mostly not been realised. With a few exceptions like Botswana, Mauritius, and Ghana, many African countries have struggled with peaceful power transitions, consistent policy direction, and stable economic growth. 

These challenges raise questions about whether the multi-party democracy currently practised is suitable for Africa or if it needs adjustments to fit the continent’s unique history, culture, and social realities. 

Imported Democracy and the Colonial Legacy 

The democratic model in Africa today largely stems from colonial rule. Upon gaining independence, many new states adopted the administrative and political systems of their colonizers, often with little change. This led to a mismatch between these imported systems and local realities. 

Before colonization, African societies had various traditional governance structures. Some were monarchies; others operated through councils of elders or consensus-driven assemblies. While these systems had their flaws, they were rooted in local culture and often ensured accountability and social cohesion. Colonial powers dismantled these systems and replaced them with institutions unfamiliar to African contexts. 

Today’s multi-party democracies reflect this legacy. While they have brought some progress, they have also led to weak institutions, political instability, and repeated coups. 

Weak Institutions and External Vulnerability 

As former U.S. President Barack Obama noted, Africa needs strong institutions. This statement still holds true. Across much of the continent, state institutions are vulnerable to capture by elites and outside interference. Instead of acting as checks and balances, legislatures, judiciaries, and regulatory bodies often serve the interests of the ruling parties. 

The effects are evident: widespread corruption, poor accountability, and weak enforcement of the law. For instance, unpopular taxes like the E-levy and COVID levy in Ghana were pushed through despite public dissent, adding to citizens’ economic strain. This shows how fragile institutions cannot stop governments from making unpopular or harmful decisions. 

Election-Centric Governance 

Another issue in Africa’s democratic practice is its focus on elections. Often, governance is reduced to the cycle of seeking re-election. Political parties may overlook performance in the early years and rush to complete visible projects in the final year to win votes. 

This election-centered thinking harms long-term development. Road projects, for example, are sometimes initiated just before elections and then abandoned with a change in power, wasting public funds and halting progress. Without ways to ensure policy continuity, development gives way to party interests. 

Power Consolidation and Constitutional Manipulation 

Instead of empowering citizens, democracy has often been used by elites to solidify their power. Some leaders manipulate constitutions to extend their terms, suppress rivals, or influence the judiciary in their favor. 

This has led to long-standing presidencies like Paul Biya in Cameroon, Teodoro Obiang in Equatorial Guinea, and Alassane Ouattara in Côte d’Ivoire. Such actions erode public trust, heighten political conflict, and damage the credibility of democratic governance. 

Ethnic and Regional Polarisation 

Multi-party systems have also intensified ethnic and regional divides. In Ghana, for instance, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) is often linked with the Akan majority, while the National Democratic Congress (NDC) is associated with minority groups like the Ewe and Ga. When parties gain power, they are seen as favoring their ethnic base in resource distribution and projects. 

This creates inequality and fosters long-term resentment, underlining the urgent need for political systems that move beyond ethnic patronage. One possible solution is to adopt binding national development plans that ensure equitable growth across all regions, regardless of electoral loyalties. 

Learning From Alternatives 

The failures of democracy in Africa do not mean that authoritarianism is the solution. Instead, Africa should learn from its traditional systems and hybrid governance models. 

Botswana successfully combines traditional councils (kgotla) with parliamentary democracy. 

Rwanda, though centralized and often viewed as autocratic, has achieved stability and development following the 1994 genocide. 

Pre-colonial systems like the Igbo consensus councils, Ashanti Confederacy, and Somali Xeer illustrate how locally rooted governance can enhance legitimacy and accountability. 

To build a better future, Africa may need to merge these traditions with modern institutions, developing frameworks that prioritize developmental outcomes over strict adherence to imported models. 

Beyond Leadership Transitions 

Democracy in Africa has become too focused on leadership changes, neglecting urgent socio-economic issues. Persistent problems like poverty, unemployment, healthcare, and infrastructure deficits remain. Ultimately, the length of leadership should matter less than the results of governance. A leader who achieves sustainable development and social justice may be more legitimate than one who merely fulfills electoral cycles. 

A Call for Reform 

For democracy to be meaningful in Africa, it must be reimagined. This requires gathering a wide range of stakeholders—policy experts, civil society, traditional leaders, entrepreneurs, and citizens—to create governance systems that address Africa’s specific needs. 

These systems should not just mimic foreign models but reflect Africa’s history, values, and aspirations. The legitimacy of governance should be based not on following imported democratic rituals but on delivering peace, prosperity, and justice for all. 

Conclusion 

Democracy, as it exists in Africa today, has not met its promise. Weak institutions, election-focused politics, power consolidation, and ethnic divisions have weakened their effectiveness. However, this failure is not inevitable; it is the result of applying an imported model without the necessary adjustments. 

Now is the time for Africa to rethink governance, drawing on its traditions and innovating new systems that prioritize the people’s needs. Democracy can still be part of the solution, but it must be reshaped by Africans and for Africans.

AFRICAN VOICES INTERNATIONAL, FREEDOM IN AFRICA

Author: Selase Wilmot Kwami 

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In the heart of Africa, a trailblazer emerged, embodying the values of justice, compassion, and unity. Kofi Annan, a renowned Ghanaian diplomat and 7th Secretary-General of the United Nations (1997-2006), dedicated his life to reconciling warring factions, restoring lost hopes, and creating a better world for all. He played quintessential roles for the United Nations, especially, helping to end resolve the Iraq War, the Rwanda Genocide and the HIV/AIDS Crisis.

Born on April 8th, 1938, Kofi Annan’s educational journey began at Mfantsipim Senior High School in Cape Coast, Ghana (1954-1957). He then attended the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology in Kumasi, Ghana, before proceeding to Macalester College in Minnesota, USA, where he graduated with a degree in Economics in 1961. Kofi Annan furthered his education at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, earning a DEA degree, and later became a Sloan Fellow at the MIT Sloan School of Management (1971-1972), earning a Master’s Degree.

Kofi Annan’s illustrious career spanned over four decades, during which he served as Secretary-General of the United Nations. Kofi Annan led the UN from 1997 to 2006, implementing key reforms and championing human rights, sustainable development, and peacekeeping. He Championed the Millennium Development Goals. Kofi Annan played a pivotal role in shaping the MDGs, which worked to reduce poverty, inequality, and diseases across the world. He fought to combat and stop the spread of the deadly HIV/AIDS disease. Kofi Annan launched the UN’s Global Impact program, advocating for businesses and firms to adopt sustainable and socially responsible policies. Kofi Annan emphasized the importance of Human Rights, establishing the UN Human Rights Council and promoting the Responsibility to Protect doctrine.

Kofi Annan’s tireless efforts earned him numerous accolades, including the Nobel Peace Prize in 2001. He founded the Kofi Annan Foundation and served as Chairman of The Elders, an international organization founded by Nelson Mandela. Kofi Annan’s legacy continues to inspire individuals worldwide to strive for a more peaceful, equitable, and just world.

Kofi Annan passed away on August 18th, 2018, leaving behind a legacy of dedication, compassion, and leadership. His values serve as a guiding light, inspiring future generations to work towards a better world for all.

AFRICAN VOICES INTERNATIONAL, FREEDOM IN AFRICA

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